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A random sampling of all the people around the world is useful if the goal is to find out what the whole world would agree to be right or wrong.

An extreme example is as follows, a question posed to everyone in the world, if that were possible, but since it is not possible, a random sample of everyone is attempted, so as to find out, in that efficient, expedient, way, what mankind considers to be right, and what mankind considers to be wrong. If mankind does not know what is right or wrong, then who does, and if mankind does not know what is right or wrong, then no individual can possibly know what is right or wrong in the face of everyone else claiming the opposite. If half the world says it is right, and half the world says it is wrong, then what happens in fact, when mankind is in that conflict over right and wrong?

Sample Extreme Questions:

  1. Is it right to do to other people those things that you yourself would defend against were other people to dare to do the same to you?

  2. Is it right to eat babies because no one can stop you from eating babies?

How large of a sample of all the people of the world would be a scientifically proven (it works each time without fail) representative sample of the whole world of people?

The answer is 100%. Anything less would introduce an obvious potential for error.

10 Billion People, rounding off for simplicity, where 10 Billion People are asked to answer the question factually, and all but one says No to both questions.

Fearless Leader, the one most powerful human being, says Yes, I can do whatever I want, including consuming babies, but everyone else, as they have just confessed, cannot do either, or else.

One, out of 10 people, in the entire world, goes around doing whatever pleases that one, including eating babies. Everyone else, because everyone else agrees, that it is wrong to do unto others, that which you yourself would defend against if they were to do the same to you, including eating babies.

Where are we now?

“It was anciently called “trial per pais”—that is “trial by the country.” And now, in every criminal trial, the jury are told that the accused “has, for trial, put himself upon the country; which country you (the jury) are.”

“The object of this trial “by the country,” or by the people, in preference to a trial by the government, is to guard against every species of oppression by the government. In order to effect this end, it is indispensable that the people, or “the country,” judge of and determine their own liberties against the government; instead of the government’s judging of and determining its own powers over the people.
“How is it possible that juries can do anything to protect the liberties of the people against the government, if they are not allowed to determine what those liberties are?

“Any government, that is its own judge of, and determines authoritatively for the people, what are its own powers over the people, is an absolute government of course. It has all the powers that it chooses to exercise. There is no other—or at least no more accurate—definition of a despotism than this.

“On the other hand, any people, that judge of, and determine authoritatively for the government, what are their own liberties against the government, of course retain all the liberties they wish to enjoy. And this is freedom. At least, it is freedom to them; because, although it may be theoretically imperfect, it, nevertheless, corresponds to their highest notions of freedom.

“To secure this right of the people to judge of their own liberties against the government, the jurors are taken, (or must be, to make them lawful jurors,) from the body of the people, by lot, or by some process that precludes any previous knowledge, choice, or selection of them, on the part of the government. [7] This is done to prevent the government’s constituting a jury of its own partisans or friends; in other words, to prevent the government’s packing a jury, with a view to maintain its own laws, and accomplish its own purposes.

“It is supposed that, if twelve men be taken, by lot, from the mass of the people, without the possibility of any previous knowledge, choice, or selection of them, on the part of the government, the jury will be a fair epitome of “the country” at large, and not merely of the party or faction that sustain the measures of the government; that substantially all classes of opinions, prevailing among the people, will be represented in the jury; and especially that the opponents of the government, (if the government have any opponents,) will be represented there, as well as its friends; that the classes, who are oppressed by the laws of the government, (if any are thus oppressed,) will have their representatives in the jury, as well as those classes, who take sides with the oppressor—that is, with the government.

“It is fairly presumable that such a tribunal will agree to no conviction except such as substantially the whole country would agree to, if they were present, taking part in the trial. A trial by such a tribunal is, therefore, in effect, “a trial by the country.” In its results it probably comes as near to a trial by the whole country, as any trial that it is practicable to have, without too great inconvenience and expense. And as unanimity is required for a conviction, it follows that no one can be convicted, except for the violation of such laws as substantially the whole country wish to have maintained. The government can enforce none of its laws, (by punishing offenders, through the verdicts of juries,) except such as substantially the whole people wish to have enforced. The government, therefore, consistently with the trial by jury, can exercise no powers over the people, (or, what is the same thing, over the accused person, who represents the rights of the people,) except such as substantially the whole people of the country consent that it may exercise. In such a trial, therefore, “the country,” or the people, judge of and determine their own liberties against the government, instead of the [8] government’s judging of and determining its own powers over the people.

“But all this “trial by the country” would be no trial at all “by the country,” but only a trial by the government, if the government could either declare who may, and who may not, be jurors, or could dictate to the jury anything whatever, either of law or evidence, that is of the essence of the trial.

“If the government may decide who may, and who may not, be jurors, it will of course select only its partisans, and those friendly to its measures. It may not only prescribe who may, and who may not, be eligible to be drawn as jurors; but it may also question each person drawn as a juror, as to his sentiments in regard to the particular law involved in each trial, before suffering him to be sworn on the panel; and exclude him if he be found unfavorable to the maintenance of such a law.”

Common law, of, by, and for the people, includes, in America, the requirement to pass accusations of serious crimes to an Independent Grand Jury, not a packed jury of criminals aiding and abetting Treasonous Frauds, whose minds are warped by whatever malevolence is at work in those criminal minds, nor a packed jury of criminals obeying any immoral order issued to them, including orders to persecute someone for daring to disobey the order to obey.

Those who persecute innocent people without passing their accusation past an independent grand jury are treasonous criminals if the so-called law of the land, documented on the Fifth Amendment to a Constitution signed in 1789, is the same document that these treasonous criminals claim to be their source of lawful authority.

Josf-Kelley 8 Nov 19
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Lessons Unlearned Lessons Relearned In Layperson Terms
A
Hi good neighbor.
B
How are you, neighbor?
A
Not well, there is a clear and present danger to all of humanity.
B
Pray tell, is there anything to be done about it? Is it real or imaginary, best for us not to waste time on things that are inevitable, and all that evil requires to thrive is that good people do nothing, you know.
A
What if I told you that there are those among us who insist that they, and only they, have a license to judge right from wrong?
B
That would be, as you say, a clear and present danger to humanity, but only if someone was foolish enough to buy into such as scam, you know, like that Prince from Africa scam, so why worry? It is inevitable that people will be fooled by a clever ruse: caveat emptor. If that is the case, then the victim or some good neighbor on the victim’s behalf, can expose the RAT, and insulate the rest of us from such as that which constitutes that oh, so, familiar Rat Smell.
A
Yes, I remember Patrick Henry and his battle in the face of an all too familiar Rat Smell, but, good neighbor, the Rat Smell now is overruling common sense, is it not?
B
As you correctly, or astutely, perhaps, point out, some among us have asserted that they, and only they, have the power to determine right from wrong, to discriminate right on the one hand, and wrong on the other, and so, good neighbor, what does our shared past tell us, helping us, defend ourselves, voluntarily I might add, against these RATS that infest our lot?
A
Need I remind you of the deal made between the RATS and those Anti-Rats like Patrick Henry, and George Mason, during that horrible RAT smell some 200 odd years ago, not long by any stretch of the imagination, considering all the previous manifestations of that all too familiar RAT SMELL; et tu Brute?
B
Right you are, so where are our most honest and discrete among us this time?
Notes on the State of Virginia
Feb. 27, 1787.
“The state is divided into counties. In every county are appointed magistrates, called justices of the peace, usually from eight to thirty or forty in number, in proportion to the size of the county, of the most discreet and honest inhabitants. They are nominated by their fellows, but commissioned by the governor, and act without reward. These magistrates have jurisdiction both criminal and civil. If the question before them be a question of law only, they decide on it themselves: but if it be of fact, or of fact and law combined, it must be referred to a jury. In the latter case, of a combination of law and fact, it is usual for the jurors to decide the fact, and to refer the law arising on it to the decision of the judges. But this division of the subject lies with their discretion only. And if the question relate to any point of public liberty, or if it be one of those in which the judges may be suspected of bias, the jury undertake to decide both law and fact. If they be mistaken, a decision against right, which is casual only, is less dangerous to the state, and less afflicting to the loser, than one which makes part of a regular and uniform system. In truth, it is better to toss up cross and pile in a cause, than to refer it to a judge whose mind is warped by any motive whatever, in that particular case.”
B
Clearly as evidenced above, first principles ought to be reviewed for cause. Where are our people who represent us as a whole, rather than those RATS smelling each other’s Factional butts?
A
Those who gave themselves license to enslave us, license to kill us, while claiming they alone have the power to determine right from wrong, also gave themselves license to remove the rules that they also claim to be the rules that give them the license to assume power. The rules that they had claimed to give themselves license to assume power were not absolute, yet absolutely they have assumed absolute power, when they confess their malevolence in the case of ignoring the very rules that they claim to be their source of power.
“No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury...”
B
You must be Joe King?
A
I kid you not. Kyle, as far as I am aware so far, was tried on a bare information, completely bypassing the judgment by the people represented in independent grand jurors.
B
That is Treason on its face!
A
It gets worse.
B
How so?
A
No one now knows which way is up or down.
B
There is no hope, then, without a miracle.

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