Money Changes Purchase Power II
by Joe Kelley
11-1-2022

Actionable Information is Money like water is currency.

Brutal Truth Community
[retalk.com]

A Federation was defined as a voluntary association during the Federal Congress deliberations concerning the publication of a Declaration of Independence here:

"That the question was not whether, by a declaration of independence, we should make ourselves what we are not; but whether we should declare a fact which already exists:
"That, as to the people or Parliament of England, we had always been independent of them, their restraints on our trade deriving efficacy from our acquiescence only, and not from any rights they possessed of imposing them; and that, so far, our connection had been federal only, and was now dissolved by the commencement of hostilities:
"That, as to the king, we had been bound to him by allegiance, but that this bond was now dissolved by his assent to the late act of Parliament, by which he declares us out of his protection, and by his levying war on us a fact which had long ago proved us out of his protection, it being a certain position in law, that allegiance and protection are reciprocal, the one ceasing when the other is withdrawn:"
Notes of Proceedings in the Continental Congress, 7 June–1 Aug … (archives.gov)
[founders.archives.gov]

Clearly stated:
"our connection had been federal only"
"we had always been independent of them, their restraints on our trade deriving efficacy from our acquiescence only, and not from any rights they possessed of imposing them"

Before 1776 a number of people formed republics, and those people formed a federation of republics.

What is a federation of republics?

"our connection had been federal only"
"we had always been independent of them, their restraints on our trade deriving efficacy from our acquiescence only, and not from any rights they possessed of imposing them"

Voluntary Association for Mutual Defense and the necessary liberty to prosper so as to afford an effective, expedient, defensive capability against very powerful enemies foreign and domestic.

The republics had constitutions, one was not written or published, but "constituting" a republic does not require permission to do so, not from a foreign or domestic enemy. A republic is of, by, and for the people, not of, by, and for enemies of the people, foreign or domestic.

Here is the Constitution that formalized (codified) the Federation of Republics between 1774 and 1789:

The Articles of Confederation: Primary Documents of American History (Virtual Programs & Services, Library of Congress) (loc.gov)
[loc.gov]

Article I. THE style of this confederacy shall be “The UNITED STATES of AMERICA.

Note how Patrick Henry later exposed the Nationalists "style":
Patrick Henry, July 7, 1788
"The style of the government (We, the people) was introduced perhaps to recommend it to the people at large; to those citizens who are to be levelled and degraded to the lowest degree; who are likened to a herd; and who, by the operation of this blessed system, are to be transformed from respectable, independent citizens, to abject, dependent subjects or slaves. The honorable gentleman has anticipated what we are to be reduced to, by degradingly assimilating our citizens to a herd. "

In modern legalese the style of the "we the people" government is a "democracy."

At the time of the "annihilation" of the existing federation of republics which was perpetuated from 1774 to 1789, before being annihilated, the "style" of those who confessed that they were annihilating the federated republics was "Nationalism."

Nationalism means the same thing as Democracy today, Mob Rule, which is the same meaning as Communism today.

Modern Democrats are Marxist Communists. Modern Republicans are Nazi Fascists.

Modern Nationalists have the same roots known as blind obedience to fraudulent authority.

National Socialism Right, National Nationalism Center, and National Communism Left, are all "Democracies," Mob Rule, Totalitarian Dictatorship, Nationalism, Empire, repackaged routinely because the truth always annihilates fraud, eventually requiring a new name to hide the facts again.

Fraudulent authorities fraudulently claim that "the people" can vote for their favorite dictator.

That has nothing to do with federated republics under common law, and nothing to do with democracy.

Mob Rule is what it is, even if Slick Willy, when Leader of The Mob, calls it “Democracy.”

Here is the beginning of The United States of America, federated republics under common law:
14th of October, 1774
"On the same day, Congress unanimously resolved, “that the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage according to the course of that law.” They further resolved, “that they were entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several and local circumstances.” They also resolved, that their ancestors, at the time of their immigration, were “entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities, of free and natural-born subjects within the realms of England.”

A Declaration of Independence is a defender's lawful method of speaking freely about the crimes perpetrated by any former fellow defender that has turned into a treasonous criminal, under the common law.

Here is a precedent:
"Hallam says, "The relation established between a lord and his vassal by the feudal tenure, far from containing principles of any servile and implicit obedience, permitted the compact to be dissolved in case of its violation by either party. This extended as much to the sovereign as to inferior lords. If a vassal was aggrieved, and if justice was denied him, he sent a defiance, that is, a renunciation of fealty to the king, and was entitled to enforce redress at the point of his sword. It then became a contest of strength as between two independent potentates, and was terminated by treaty, advantageous or otherwise, according to the fortune of war. There remained the original principle, that allegiance depended conditionally upon good treatment, and that an appeal might be lawfully made to arms against an oppressive government. Nor was this, we may be sure, left for extreme necessity, or thought to require a long-enduring forbearance. In modern times, a king, compelled by his subjects' swords to abandon any pretension, would be supposed to have ceased to reign; and the express recognition of such a right as that of insurrection has been justly deemed inconsistent with the majesty of law. But ruder ages had ruder sentiments. Force was necessary to repel force; and men accustomed to see the king's authority defied by a private riot, were not much shocked when it was resisted in defence of public freedom." - 3 Middle Age, 240-2."
Essay on The Trial by Jury, Lysander Spooner, 1852

NO, I conscientiously object to paying the extortion fee, even while you attempt to scare me to death.

We the people have a duty to hold human traffickers to account for their kidnappings and forced labor of kidnap victims, even when those treasonous frauds fraudulently claim to be protecting US.

Richard Henry Lee, the 6th President of The United States of America in Congress Assembled was one of the most critical critics of the Nationalist's plan to annihilate the federated republics, however, he was not effective at moving those Nationalists to their warranted criminal jury trials.

Those for annihilating the federated republics and those against annihilating the federated republics agreed that the Federal Constitution (Created / Published Williamsburg, 1777) was not adequately written to further their cause for various and often opposing reasons.

The Articles of Confederation, for example, was criticized by Richard Henry Lee here:
"It is not merely the number of impeachments, that are to be expected to make public officers honest and attentive in their business. A general opinion must pervade the community, that the house, the body to impeach them for misconduct, is disinterested, and ever watchful for the public good; and that the judges who shall try impeachments, will not feel a shadow of biass. Under such circumstances, men will not dare transgress, who, not deterred by such accusers and judges, would repeatedly misbehave. We have already suffered many and extensive evils, owing to the defects of the confederation, in not providing against the misconduct of public officers. When we expect the law to be punctually executed, not one man in ten thousand will disobey it: it is the probable chance of escaping punishment that induces men to transgress. It is one important mean to make the government just and honest, rigidly and constantly to hold, before the eyes of those who execute it, punishment, and dismission from office, for misconduct. These are principles no candid man, who has just ideas of the essential features of a free government, will controvert. They are, to be sure, at this period, called visionary, speculative and anti-governmental—but in the true stile of courtiers, selfish politicians, and flatterers of despotism—discerning republican men of both parties see their value. They are said to be of no value, by empty boasting advocates for the constitution, who, by their weakness and conduct, in fact, injure its cause much more than most of its opponents. From their high sounding promises, men are led to expect a defence of it, and to have their doubts removed. When a number of long pieces appear, they, instead of the defence, &c. they expected, see nothing but a parade of names—volumes written without ever coming to the point—cases quoted between which and ours there is not the least similitude—and partial extracts made from histories and governments, merely to serve a purpose. Some of them, like the true admirers of royal and senatorial robes, would fain prove, that nations who have thought like freemen and philosophers about government, and endeavoured to be free, have often been the most miserable: if a single riot, in the course of five hundred years happened in a free country, if a salary, or the interest of a public or private debt was not paid at the moment, they seem to lay more stress upon these truffles (for truffles they are in a free and happy country) than upon the oppressions of despotic government for ages together. (As to the lengthy writer in New-York you mention, I have attentively examined his pieces; he appears to be a candid good-hearted man, to have a good stile, and some plausible ideas; but when we carefully examine his pieces, to see where the strength of them lies; when the mind endeavours to fix on those material parts, which ought to be the essence of all voluminous productions, we do not find them: the writer appears constantly to move on a smooth surface, the part of his work, like the parts of a cob-house, are all equally strong and all equally weak, and all like those works of the boys, without an object; his pieces appear to have but little relation to the great question, whether the constitution is fitted to the condition and character of this people or not.)"
LETTER XIII.
January 14, 1788.

The Nationalists (fraudulently calling themselves The Federalists) wanted to make sure that they maintained immunity from prosecution.

Those against the annihilators of the federated republics, like Richard Henry Lee, saw the need to ensure that every enemy domestic was held to an accurate accounting of the facts that prove that they are enemies domestic.

The Nationalists confessed that they were annihilating the federated republics in closed court during the annihilating of the federated republics, and they did, in fact, create immunities from prosecution, as proven by the fact that none of them are ever prosecuted for their treasonous frauds that continue today.

Here is how federated republics are supposed to work under common law:
The Conviction Factory, The Collapse of America's Criminal Courts, by Roger Roots
Page 40
Private Prosecutors
"For decades before and after the Revolution, the adjudication of criminals in America was governed primarily by the rule of private prosecution: (1) victims of serious crimes approached a community grand jury, (2) the grand jury investigated the matter and issued an indictment only if it concluded that a crime should be charged, and (3) the victim himself or his representative (generally an attorney but sometimes a state attorney general) prosecuted the defendant before a petit jury of twelve men. Criminal actions were only a step away from civil actions - the only material difference being that criminal claims ostensibly involved an interest of the public at large as well as the victim. Private prosecutors acted under authority of the people and in the name of the state - but for their own vindication. The very term "prosecutor" meant criminal plaintiff and implied a private person. A government prosecutor was referred to as an attorney general and was a rare phenomenon in criminal cases at the time of the nation's founding. When a private individual prosecuted an action in the name of the state, the attorney general was required to allow the prosecutor to use his name - even if the attorney general himself did not approve of the action.
"Private prosecution meant that criminal cases were for the most part limited by the need of crime victims for vindication. Crime victims held the keys to a potential defendant's fate and often negotiated the settlement of criminal cases. After a case was initiated in the name of the people, however, private prosecutors were prohibited from withdrawing the action pursuant to private agreement with the defendant. Court intervention was occasionally required to compel injured crime victims to appear against offenders in court and "not to make bargains to allow [defendants] to escape conviction, if they...repair the injury."
Page 42
Law Enforcement as a Universal Duty
"Law enforcement in the Founders' time was a duty of every citizen. Citizens were expected to be armed and equipped to chase suspects on foot, on horse, or with wagon whenever summoned. And when called upon to enforce the laws of the state, citizens were to respond "not faintly and with lagging steps, but honestly and bravely and with whatever implements and facilities [were] convenient and at hand. Any person could act in the capacity of a constable without being one, and when summoned by a law enforcement officer, a private person became a temporary member of the police department. The law also presumed that any person acting in his public capacity as an officer was rightfully appointed."

Just as it was then, so it is now, anyone is duty-bound by common laws that keep the people free from enemies foreign and domestic, to hold each enemy to account for the injuries that they do to the public during their crime spree, and the vehicle by which that accounting is done is due process of law on an equal footing foundation.

Anyone is subject to indictment, trial, and remedy according to the common law, by anyone capable of doing so, according to the whole truth that warrants that legal cause of defensive action.

Everyone can deputize themselves as needed, and no one can legally exempt themselves from liability for their crimes in a republic worthy of the name.

"There is no question of the general doctrine that fraud vitiates the most solemn contracts, documents, and even judgments" (United States v. Throckmorton, 98 US 61(1878).”

Caveat Emptor