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"The Definition Of Fascism":

“The further Fascism receded into history and the fewer visible fascists there were on display, the more self-proclaimed anti-fascists needed fascism to retain any semblance of political virtue or purpose. It proved politically useful to describe as fascist people who were not Fascists , just as it proved politically useful to describe as racist people who were not racists.” ― Douglas Murray, The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam

“In Italy, Fascists divide themselves into two categories: Fascists and Anti-Fascists.”
— Ennio Flaiano

Most scholars place fascism on the far right of the political spectrum. Such scholarship focuses on its social conservatism and its authoritarian means of opposing egalitarianism. Roderick Stackelberg places fascism—including Nazism, which he says is "a radical variant of fascism"—on the political right by explaining: "The more a person deems absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the further left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. The more a person considers inequality to be unavoidable or even desirable, the further to the right he or she will be"

A number of post-World War II fascist movements described themselves as a "third position" outside the traditional political spectrum. Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".

The term "fascist" has been used as a pejorative, regarding varying movements across the far right of the political spectrum. George Orwell wrote in 1944 that "the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist'".

Communist states have sometimes been referred to as "fascist", typically as an insult. For example, it has been applied to Marxist regimes in Cuba under Fidel Castro and Vietnam under Ho Chi Minh. Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet Split, and likewise the Soviets used the term to denounce Chinese Marxists and social democracy (coining a new term in "social fascism" ).

In the United States, Herbert Matthews of The New York Times asked in 1946: "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Should we say that she is Fascist?". J. Edgar Hoover, longtime FBI director and ardent anti-communist, wrote extensively of "Red Fascism". The Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s was sometimes called "fascist". Historian Peter Amann states that, "Undeniably, the Klan had some traits in common with European fascism—chauvinism, racism, a mystique of violence, an affirmation of a certain kind of archaic traditionalism—yet their differences were fundamental....[the KKK] never envisioned a change of political or economic system."

Professor Richard Griffiths of the University of Wales wrote in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".

“Fascism is an Italian term that means “groupism” or “collectivism.” The fasci in Italy were groups of political activists who got their name from the fasces of ancient Rome—the bundles of rods carried by the lictors to symbolize the unified strength of the Romans. The core meaning of the term fascism is that people are stronger in groups than they are as individuals.

“The fascist synthesis did not view Italy as a society divided by class but rather as a unified country in which all sectors of society could come together. The fascists replaced the old Marxist divide between unproductive capitalists and productive labor with the single category of the productive nation.”

“It’s all very well to talk about the nation of producers and the interests of the nation, but who decides what its true interests are? Socialists claim to be in favor of equitable redistribution of income and wealth, but who determines what is equitable and does the actual redistribution? To these questions, the fascists answered: we do, through the instrument of the powerful centralized state. And this is also, in America, the answer that today’s progressives give. “In addition, the fascists adopted an economic policy that is closely parallel to, and in many respects identical with, today’s progressivism. Mussolini called this policy “corporatism,” but a more descriptive term would be state-run capitalism.”

“Mussolini envisioned a powerful centralized state directing the institutions of the private sector, forcing their private welfare into line with the national welfare. Isn’t this precisely how progressives view the federal government’s control of banks, finance companies, insurance companies, health care, energy, and education?

“When Mussolini “sold out” he became an outcast. He had neither money nor power. Nor did any of the first fascists embrace fascism for this reason. Rather, they became fascists because they saw fascism as the only way to rescue socialism and make it viable. In other words, their defection was within socialism—they sought to create a new type of socialism that would actually draw a mass following and produce the workers’ revolution that Marx anticipated and hoped for. “Goldberg argues that fascism and communism, far from being opposites, are “closely related historical competitors for the same constituents.

“From the point of view of the progressive narrative—Mussolini’s shift from Marxian socialism to fascism must come as a huge surprise. In the progressive paradigm, Marxian socialism is the left end of the spectrum and fascism is the right end of the spectrum. Progressive incredulity becomes even greater when we see that Mussolini wasn’t just any socialist; he was the recognized head of the socialist movement in Italy. Moreover, he didn’t just climb aboard the fascist bandwagon; he created it.

“The fascist synthesis did not view Italy as a society divided by class but rather as a unified country in which all sectors of society could come together. The fascists replaced the old Marxist divide between unproductive capitalists and productive labor with the single category of the productive nation. Mussolini called this a Fascio nazionale, a national union.”

“Through a process of transference, leftists blame their victims for being and doing what they themselves are and do. In a sick inversion, the real fascists in American politics masquerade as anti-fascists and accuse the real anti-fascists of being fascists. Progressive Democrats in the twentieth century would in fact attack the founding fathers as misguided or their ideas as out of date."

At Salo, Mussolini outlined a socialist program that went beyond anything he attempted in Italy. The new program of November 1943 called for the state to take over all the critical sections of the economy—energy, raw materials, all necessary social services—leaving only private savings and private homes and assets in the hands of the citizens. The public sector was to be run by management committees in which workers would have a key role. Unions would also be part of the fascist governing assembly. The next step, declared Mussolini’s adviser Ugo Spirito, would be to abolish all private property. Interestingly Mussolini’s closest adviser in Salo was Nicola Bombacci, once a friend and disciple of Lenin who had in 1921 been a co-founder of the Italian Communist Party. Mussolini’s Salo period, although short-lived, proves that he never abandoned his original leftist ideals; he remained to the last a dedicated statist, collectivist, and socialist.”

“Mussolini and Hitler became “right-wingers,” and the people who supposedly brought them to power became “conservatives.” The Left, then, became the glorious resisters of fascism and Nazism. To make this story work, fascism and Nazism had to be largely redefined.”

“Progressivism simply cannot account for the easy traffic from socialism to fascism. Consequently, progressives typically maintain complete silence about this whole historical relationship which is deeply embarrassing to them.” - Dinesh D'Souza.

Krunoslav 9 Aug 28
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0

This black, Raggedy Anne (Blackity Anne) is seriously retarded. I'd be complimenting her if I were to say that her IQ score is 50.

1

That was worth reading. Hat tip to you.

She was not worth hearing.

2

If any government can be called rational it must serve the citizen.

A collectivist government has no restraints on its use of brutal force.

A representative government restrains itself in the use of force by embodying it in legislation.

When the progressive democrats of today say, "no one is above the law" they believe they are the law. Thus, no one can be above them.

Republicans are calling for law and order and are thus impotent against democrats who are willing to use brutal force by proxy, allowing criminal behavior to occur with impunity and even encouraging it. Democrats are weaponizing intelligence agencies against their political opponents and American citizens.

3

I always looked at fascism not as a political ideology but as a violent political tactic. I see fascism as a metaphorical cudgel used to force populations into compliance and obedience to a given Regime.

iThink Level 9 Aug 28, 2022

That is how many use the word, as accusation rather than description. Because what you said was used by both communists and national socialists. And yet they were not fascists.

So I’m not sure I would use it that way. I also find the word authoritarianism misleading, but it’s often used, especially in recent times. Authority does not mean oppression necessarily. After all, a parent is an authority figure to its child and for good reason. That is why I think its important to use words with more precision. And especially now in the times of Orwealian newspeak and double speak all around us. Its more important than ever. Words shame thoughts and we need to be better with those. Wouldn't you agree?

@Krunoslav I would agree that the vast majority of people who are in the habit of calling "fascism" on others whom they do NOT like are mis-using the word. More often than not the ones pointing at political opposition and calling them fascists are in fact exhibiting fascist demands and activities themselves.
Just as there is no group in Western Culture who is "more racist" than the Black members of that population there likewise are no people implementing fascistic rhetoric and violence than the group calling itself "antifa".
Extremist political ideologies and movements are the ones driving (intentionally) all of the divisiveness, hatred and violence - utterly disrupting the general population. It is their intention to create chaos.
The everyday John Q Citizen only asks (too passively really) for transparent, responsive governance. "The People" want and need "common sense" leadership.

3

When it comes to socialists and fascists, the expression "two sides of the same coin" comes to mind.

sqeptiq Level 10 Aug 28, 2022

Indeed. Antifa is really anaracho-communist movement. They can call themselves Anti Fascist, but they don't like it, do they?

The term fascism

The term fascismo was coined by the Italian Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini and the Neo-Hegelian political thinker Giovanni Gentile. It is derived from the Italian word fascio, which means "bundle" or "union", and from the Latin word fasces.

The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods tied around an axe, were an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrates; they were carried by his Lictors and could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command.

Furthermore, the symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break. It is also strongly associated with the fascist militia fasci italiani di combattimento ("League of Combat" ). Originally, the term "fascism" (fascismo) was used by the political movement that ruled Italy from 1922 to 1943 under the leadership of Benito Mussolini.

National Socialists in Germany and Fascists in Italy has similar methods of using people to get to power. Similar way of nationalizing or forcing private companies to do the state's bidding. And far from corporatism (corporations being stronger than goverment) it was the other way around. Over time, more and more corporations were either nationalized or employed by the state.

What separated, National Socialists in Germany and Fascists in Italy was not the style of goverment, but narratives of the goverment. Italians were looking nostalgically into the past, towards Roman Empire and its victory for Italian people. And Germans looked at German Empire and its nostalgic pride for German people. Hence Germany under Hitler was officially called Third Reich.

(Reich German word for ‘Empire&rsquo😉

First Reich was the Holy Roman Empire (800-1556),

Second Reich the German Empire (1871–1918),

Third Reich Official name of Nazi Germany (1933–45).

But unlike an empire or kingdom, both Hitler and Mussolini used the methods same as communists, they were totalitarian. And that can only be achieved with so called people's state, that become possible after French Revolution.

The Doctrine of Fascism (1932) described the nature of Italian Fascism's totalitarianism, stating the following:

"Fascism is for the only liberty which can be a serious thing, the liberty of the state and of the individual in the state. Therefore for the fascist, everything is in the state, and no human or spiritual thing exists, or has any sort of value, outside the state. In this sense fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist state which is the synthesis and unity of every value, interprets, develops and strengthens the entire life of the people." — Benito Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile, The Doctrine of Fascism (1932)

After The Fall of Western Roman Empire it took centuries to reach The Renaissance - a period in European history, covering the span between the 14th and 17th centuries and marking the transition from the Middle Ages to modernity. But It was largely controlled by the Roman Catholic Church, not the Empires of Rome. Not the Italians. Sure, Vatican was in Italy, but it was not exclusively Italian Nationalism. And so pulling on the idealism mixed with nostalgia, Italian Fascism, started to emerge. It seems to me that new generation of Italians during Mussolini era, looked at Italy and they didn't like what they saw. Missing its old glory from the age of Roman Empire.The philosopher–intellectual Gentile was especially inspired by the Roman Empire (27 BC – AD 476, 1453), from whence derives Fascism:

"The Fascist accepts and loves life; he rejects and despises suicide as cowardly. Life as he understands it means duty, elevation, conquest; life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both near bye and far off, present and future." — Benito Mussolini, The Doctrine of Fascism, 1933

Gentile defined Fascism as an anti-intellectual doctrine, epistemologically based on faith rather than reason. Fascist mysticism emphasized the importance of political myths, which were true not as empirical facts, but as "metareality". The idea of a narrative, book or otherwise, being written as though it's non-fiction when it is actually fiction.

Fascist art, architecture and symbols constituted a process which converted Fascism into a sort of a civil religion or political religion. La dottrina del fascismo states that Fascism is a "religious conception of life" and forms a "spiritual community" in contrast to bourgeois materialism. The slogan Credere Obbedire Combattere ("Believe, Obey, Fight" ) reflects the importance of political faith in Fascism.

According to historian Zeev Sternhell, "most syndicalist leaders were among the founders of the Fascist movement", who in later years gained key posts in Mussolini's regime. Mussolini expressed great admiration for the ideas of Georges Sorel, who he claimed was instrumental in birthing the core principles of Italian fascism. J. L. Talmon argued that Fascism billed itself "not only as an alternative, but also as the heir to socialism"

La dottrina del fascismo proposed an Italy of greater living standards under a one-party Fascist system than under the multi-party liberal democratic government of 1920. As the leader of the National Fascist Party (PNF, Partito Nazionale Fascista), Mussolini said that democracy is "beautiful in theory; in practice, it is a fallacy" and spoke of celebrating the burial of the "putrid corpse of liberty". In 1923, to give Deputy Mussolini control of the pluralist parliamentary government of the Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946), an economist, the Baron Giacomo Acerbo, proposed—and the Italian Parliament approved—the Acerbo Law, changing the electoral system from proportional representation to majority representation. The party who received the most votes (provided they possessed at least 25 percent of cast votes) won two-thirds of the parliament; the remaining third was proportionately shared among the other parties, thus the Fascist manipulation of liberal democratic law that rendered Italy a one-party state.

Given Italian Fascism's pragmatic political amalgamations of left-wing and right-wing socio-economic policies, discontented workers and peasants proved an abundant source of popular political power, especially because of peasant opposition to socialist agricultural collectivism.

Thus armed, the former socialist Benito Mussolini oratorically inspired and mobilized country and working-class people: "We declare war on socialism, not because it is socialist, but because it has opposed nationalism".

Socialist and Catholic organizers of farm hands in that region, Venezia Giulia, Tuscany, and even distant Apulia, were soon attacked by Blackshirt squads of Fascists, armed with castor oil, blackjacks, and more lethal weapons. The era of squadrismo and nightly expeditions to burn Socialist and Catholic labor headquarters had begun. During this time period, Mussolini's fascist squads also engaged in violent attacks against the Church where "several priests were assassinated and churches burned by the Fascists"

World War I inflated Italy's economy with great debts, unemployment (aggravated by thousands of demobilised soldiers), social discontent featuring strikes, organised crime and anarchist, socialist and communist insurrections. When the elected Italian Liberal Party Government could not control Italy, the Fascist Revolutionary Party (Partito Fascista Rivoluzionario, PFR) leader Mussolini took matters in hand, combating those issues with the Blackshirts, paramilitary squads of First World War veterans and ex socialists when Prime Ministers such as Giovanni Giolitti allowed the Fascists taking the law in hand.

The violence between socialists and the mostly self-organized squadristi militias, especially in the countryside, had increased so dramatically that Mussolini was pressured to call a truce to bring about “reconciliation with the Socialists”. Signed in early August 1921, Mussolini and the Italian Socialist Party (PNF) agreed to the Pact of Pacification, which was immediately condemned by most ras leaders in the squadrismo. The peace pact was officially denounced during the Third Fascist Congress on 7–10 November 1921.

The Liberal government preferred Fascist class collaboration to the Communist Party of Italy's class conflict should they assume government as had Vladimir Lenin's Bolsheviks in the recent Russian Revolution of 1917, although Mussolini had originally praised Lenin's October Revolution and publicly referred to himself in 1919 as "Lenin of Italy".

The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle (June 1919) of the PFR presented the politico-philosophic tenets of Fascism. The manifesto was authored by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and Futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. The manifesto was divided into four sections, describing the movement's objectives in political, social, military and financial fields.

The Manifesto (published in Il Popolo d'Italia on June 6, 1919) is divided into four sections, describing the movement's objectives in political, social, military and financial fields.[2]

Politically, the Manifesto calls for:

Universal suffrage with a lowered voting age to 18 years, and voting and electoral office eligibility for all ages 25 and up;

Proportional representation on a regional basis;

Voting for women;

Representation at government level of newly created national councils by economic sector;

The abolition of the Italian Senate (at the time, the Senate, as the upper house of parliament, was by process elected by the wealthier citizens, but were in reality direct appointments by the king. It has been described as a sort of extended council of the crown);

The formation of a national council of experts for labor, for industry, for transportation, for the public health, for communications, etc. Selections to be made of professionals or of tradesmen with legislative powers, and elected directly to a general commission with ministerial powers.

In labor and social policy, the Manifesto calls for:

The quick enactment of a law of the state that sanctions an eight-hour workday for all workers;
A minimum wage;
The participation of workers' representatives in the functions of industry commissions;
To show the same confidence in the labor unions (that prove to be technically and morally worthy) as is given to industry executives or public servants;
Reorganization of the railways and the public transport sector;
Revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance;
Reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55.

In military affairs, the Manifesto advocates:

Creation of a short-service national militia with specifically defensive responsibilities;
Armaments factories are to be nationalized;
A peaceful but competitive foreign policy.

In finance, the Manifesto advocates:

A strong progressive tax on capital (envisaging a “partial expropriation” of concentrated wealth);
The seizure of all the possessions of the religious congregations and the abolition of all the bishoprics, which constitute an enormous liability on the Nation and on the privileges of the poor;
Revision of all contracts for military provisions;
The revision of all military contracts and the seizure of 85 percent of the profits therein.

These early positions reflected in the Manifesto would later be characterized by Mussolini in "The Doctrine of Fascism" as "a series of pointers, forecasts, hints which, when freed from the inevitable matrix of contingencies, were to develop in a few years time into a series of doctrinal positions entitling Fascism to rank as a political doctrine differing from all others, past or present."[3] However in Practice a Fascist State is often a reflection of the leaders values and opinions, as seen in Nazi Germany, and their policies towards the Jewish Population.[4]

The Manifesto in practice

Of the Manifesto's proposals, the commitment to corporative organisation of economic interests was to be the longest lasting. Far from becoming a medium of extended democracy, parliament became by law an exclusively Fascist-picked body in 1929; being replaced by the "chamber of corporations" a decade later.

Fascism's pacifist foreign policy ceased during its first year of Italian government. In September 1923, the Corfu crisis demonstrated the regime's willingness to use force internationally. Perhaps the greatest success of Fascist diplomacy was the Lateran Treaty of February 1929, which accepted the principle of non-interference in the affairs of the Church. This ended the 59-year-old dispute between Italy and the Papacy.

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